No political assessment has been made yet on the change in government in 2018. Some people are of the opinion of conspiracy theories according to which the incumbent government officials wanted Pashinyan, who had been talking about reaching a compromise with Azerbaijan for years, to implement the so-called "Lavrov Plan" for them. According to another version, the Kremlin was behind Pashinyan with an interest in implementing the same plan. Other observers considered what happened to be a "color" revolution organized by the West, as a result of which Armenians would undergo ethnic cleansing in Artsakh, after which Russia would have to leave the region, and a new front would be opened in the South Caucasus region against Russia and Iran.
Not wanting to delve into the discussion of these possible options, let's try to approach the events of 2018 from a slightly different perspective: why did the majority of the public participate in those demonstrations, and a few months later overwhelmingly elect mostly unknown people from the streets? Most surprising, the same thing happened again after the shamefully lost war, which cannot fit into any logic. How to understand it?
The change of power in 2018 was the last act of the collapse of the political system of Armenia. Political parties had turned into a tool for the management of government resources, a kind of job placement bureau, an opportunity to develop economic activities without presenting future projects to society, and without consolidating the nation's intellectual potential. And the main virtue of a political party member was the ability to "get votes" at any cost.
It was the aim of the dominant part of the political and state elite of Armenia to "get votes" at any cost, with their respective abilities, qualities, and moral image. Thus, the political parties failed to become public socio-political institutions for the masses with social elevators and simple and transparent decision-making procedures.
As a result, in 2018, people were looking for non-partisan political party formats. Parallel to that, the conviction of the impossibility of changing the government through elections and making changes in the country took root in the society. This reality accounts for the public enthusiasm 4 years ago.
We are now reaping the bitter fruits of it all. During this time, faith in the political parties was not restored, the idea of achieving the desired results with the "revolution" was discredited, and the trust in various non-governmental organizations "protecting human rights", which today covertly or openly protect the current government, has come to nothing.
Now is the time to create socio-political associations based on a new logic. It seems that such initiatives are organized in the shadows. This is a stage of accumulation of great potential, apparently peaceful before the explosion, as well as the beginning of the construction of a real, not a commissioned, civil society.
However, in order to gain public trust, these initiatives must differ in terms of content from previous movements and civil societies, bringing new rules of relations, new thinking, and new organizational structures to the political field. This is where the keys to public trust are.